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\begin{document}
\title{Appendices: Resistance from Within: Coalition Oversight and Blame Avoidance in Greece}
\date{}
\author{}

\section*{Appendix 1: FAT Model Topics' Diagnostics}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
Tables~\ref{FAT_descriptives_1}-\ref{FAT_descriptives_3} present the distributions of factor scores and loadings, as well as some descriptive statistics. For 18 of the 21 topics, the distribution of both words and documents has a positive skew. This means that the model identified a low number of words and documents that characterize the corresponding topics, while most words do not capture important topical variation. These factors therefore capture cohesive, informative topics. The distributions of two additional `topics' are the only ones with negative skewness values. In the case of Topic 1 ('length'), we can explain this by observing that `topic' actually captures PQ length($r = -.65)$. Thus, since most of the PQs are of moderate length, a low number of very short PQs give the distribution its left skew. In addition, note that Topic 1 is the only one whose scores have a bimodal probability density function. The distributions of words and PQs in Topic 14 (`two-sided'), have both positive and negative long tails. This means that the model did not identify a cohesive topic, and we can thus consider this topic to be a residual category.
\begin{table}
\caption{21 FAT model results descriptive statistics (factors 1-7)}
\label{FAT_descriptives_1}
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|}
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_1.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_2.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_3.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_4.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_5.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_6.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_7.pdf}&
\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{table}

\begin{table}
\caption{21 FAT model results descriptive statistics (factors 8-14)}
\label{FAT_descriptives_2}
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|}
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_8.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_9.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_10.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_11.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_12.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_13.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_14.pdf}&
\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{table}


\begin{table}
\caption{21 FAT model results descriptive statistics (factors 15-21)}
\label{FAT_descriptives_3}
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|}
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_15.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_16.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_17.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_18.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=0.5\linewidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_19.pdf}&
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_20.pdf}\\
\hline
\includegraphics[width=.5\textwidth, height=50mm]{Twentyone_factor_desc_21.pdf}&
\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{table}
\clearpage




%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\section*{Appendix 2: Characteristic Blame Avoidance Parliamentary Questions}
This section provides excerpts from some of the PQs that were classified under either the \textit{welfare} or the \textit{market} topics by the FAT model, and were aggregated to capture blame avoidance.

\subsection*{Welfare}

\noindent1. New Democracy, 2012.3.9

\noindent``Sir, two-three months ago, I tabled a question about financial aid for heads of families in disadvantaged areas of the country. The answer I
received then was that in the 2012 budget there will be no change to income limits. But the manner and procedure of calculating base income
was changed. Do you realize what a huge injustice this is, which creates enormous problems and damages to the economic and social cohesion of the country? ...
I listened with great interest to your reply. It would have been more honest to say ``You know what? We changed the law,'' and not use a trick that changes the method of calculating the income.''


\noindent2. PASOK, 2012.7.26

\noindent``The program `Help at home' assists weak and disadvantaged populations, those who are unable to look after themselves. Especially in the period we live, where people from more weak economic strata and people with physical difficulties are vulnerable, we should reinforce this program and strengthen the overall structures of social solidarity and support ...
I would also specifically caution that workers have not been paid in many cases for nine-ten months ... [I]n any case, however, we need immediate action to eliminate any gaps in providing services, support the weak, and people who need it.''


\noindent3. PASOK, 2012.9.14

\noindent``The announcements last week [of limitations on unemployment benefits to seasonal employees] have caused inconvenience to these workers, mainly in tourism, but also to all businesses associated with tourism because these workers will have two disadvantages compared to other workers ... The first drawback is the de facto time-limited work. The second drawback is that due to the limitations established by the Ministry and the Employment Agency, the workers will be unable to acquire the required number of stamps in order to receive the unemployment benefits ... What I am asking is whether you intend to revisit these recent decisions in order to prevent injustice and weaknesses that create social problems.''


\subsection*{Market}
\noindent1. New Democracy, 2012.2.6

\noindent``Sir, I would like to turn your attention to a very serious budgetary issue -- the debt deficit. We risk the collapse of thousands of businesses across the country. I am speaking about the regulation of businesses' credit debts. These loan agreements guaranteed by the government amount to about 8.7 billion euros... Under these conditions there really is a risk of businesses not being able to fulfill their contractual obligations.
What will happen? ... It is a financial bomb waiting to explode if the hands of some Minister of Finance ... I think this time you do everything you can to give them [the businesses] some oxygen because this oxygen is essential.''

\noindent2. PASOK, 2012.10.11

\noindent``Ladies and gentlemen, the society, the society, and particularly the weakest strata in society, is experiencing the most dramatic effects of the crisis. Businesses, mainly small and medium-sized businesses, are closing daily. The Government is making a great effort to get out of the crisis.
To a large degree, the success of this effort will depend on the degree of mobilization of productive, intellectual
forces in the country... However, this mobilization, activation of the productive forces, requires national understanding, first and foremost among the political forces in this room ... The National Council of Competitiveness and Growth can be a step
in promoting social dialogue in order to update and implement a national plan for the development ...
Minister, do you intend to activate the National Competitiveness and Development Council as a forum for dialogue and consultation?
And ... come up with a national plan for restructuring the country's production?''


\noindent3. PASOK, 2012.10.22

``Mr. President, we all know of the drama in the life of thousands of families, since with the given economic conditions, on the one hand, family incomes are reduced and on the other hand the cost of living has increased. We should give priority to this issue. The aim should be to reduce the cost of Greek family life, the containment and reduction of prices in basic consumer goods and of course, with the intervention in areas where competition is not functioning. So, I call the Ministry of Development to tell us what actions will address the issue of increased prices.''



\section*{Appendix 3 --  Alternative Explanations}

Various factors may affect the behavior of vote seeking legislators \citep{Mayhew1974}. Thus, we might think that if the government's policies are unpopular, individual vote seeking motivations might lead specific MPs to ask parliamentary questions. First, the electoral system might affect the likelihood of question asking. The Greek electoral system is an open-list PR. Since voters can cast a personal vote, it is possible that legislators' behavior will be affected by their motivation to cultivate these votes \citep{CareyShugart1995}, as they compete with co-partisans over seats. Carey and Shugart posit that in open-list PR systems that allow for intra-party competition, incentives to cultivate a personal vote increase with district magnitude.\footnote{ More precisely, Carey and Shugart argue that the ratio between the number of co-partisan competitors and the district magnitude motivates personal vote cultivation. Here I use the district magnitude as a proxy, since data on the number of candidates on the ballot are unavailable.} If legislators who are members of junior coalition parties behave according to this rationale, we should observe a positive relationship between their propensity to ask questions and the magnitude of their district.




\begin{table}[h!]
 %  \begin{center}
   \caption{Electoral Competition}
   \label{Electoral Competition}
{\small\begin{tabular}[!htp]{l|cc}
   \hline
 & PASOK&ND\\
Relationship & &\\
   \hline
    \multirow{2}*{1. District magnitude and question asking}&0.1 &0.02\\
    &[-.21, 1] &[-0.16, 1]\\

\hline

%    \multirow{2}*{2. District competitiveness and question asking}     &-0.26*&-0.2*\\
%                                &[-1,-0.01]&[-1,-0.01]\\

  2. District magnitude and blame avoidance question asking          &$t$=-0.267&$t$=0.6\\

%\hline
 %4. District competitiveness and blame avoidance question asking        &$t$=2.4&$t$=0.21\\
 \hline

\end{tabular}}
{\footnotesize\singlespace Note: The first row presents Pearson's correlation estimates (with 90\% confidence intervals in square brackets). The second row presents the result of Welch $t$ tests.}
% \end{center}
\end{table}
\clearpage


The first row of Table \ref{Electoral Competition} presents correlations between the (logged) district magnitude and the number of questions legislators, who were members of a junior coalition member party and were elected from the district, had asked. Since this relationship is insignificant both for ND and PASOK, we cannot conclude that inter-party competition motivates PQ behavior. Specifically, we have no evidence indicating that cultivation of personal votes is what underlies variation in usage of PQs. Next, the second row of the table focuses on the difference between the mean district magnitude for districts of MPs who had asked \textit{blame avoidance} questions, and compares it to the mean magnitude of districts of MPs who had asked questions about other topics. Here, again, we do not find a significant difference between the two groups. Thus, we can conclude that district magnitude and vote-seeking motivations do not affect engagement in \textit{blame avoidance activity}.

In addition, party seniority may have an impact on legislators' behavior. For example, it is possible that senior party members are more likely to criticize the government due to their relatively secure position in the party. This aspect is captured in the \textit{frontbencher} variable, which was constructed by studying the biography of MPs. I coded an MP as a member of a party's `frontbench' if he had been a cabinet member prior to asking a parliamentary question. I then looked at the frequency of question asking for the two groups. The histograms presented in Figure \ref{fb_vs_bb} show that although most of the questions originate from backbenchers, they are quite frequent among frontbenchers as well. Note also that this comparison does not take into account the overall ratio between backbenchers and frontbenchers within the parties (and most likely there are more MPs whose career does not include cabinet membership), but rather only the distribution among question askers. Overall, then, it seems safe to assume that seniority is not a factor underlying question asking behavior.

\begin{figure}[h!]
\includegraphics[height=11cm,width=\linewidth]{fb_vs_bb}
{\scriptsize \singlespace \textbf{Note:} Distribution of parliamentary questions by party seniority.}
\caption{Distribution of parliamentary questions by party seniority}\label{fb_vs_bb}
\end{figure}
\clearpage

Next, I examined the relationship between question asking and the number of years an MP has spent in parliament (see Figure \ref{time_in_party}). Here, we see that in all four cases (i.e. for both parties, and for all PQs as well as for \textit{blame avoidance} PQs alone), the modal number of year spent in the party prior to asking a question is above five. This means that a significant amount of question askers have spent at least two terms in the parliament. There is also significant variation across the number of years question askers have spent as legislators. Overall, this indicates that in all likelihood, PQs do not originate only from newcomers.

\begin{figure}[h!]
\includegraphics[height=11cm,width=\linewidth]{time_in_party}
{\scriptsize \singlespace \textbf{Note:} Distribution of parliamentary questions by time in party.}
\caption{Distribution of parliamentary questions by time in party}\label{time_in_party}
\end{figure}
\clearpage

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